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Between
1834 and 1914 there were gradual changes in the nature of the union
workhouse as an institution. Firstly, the composition of the workhouse
population altered. The provision of outdoor relief (the payment of money,
or the provision of goods or services) to able-bodied adults meant that
they constituted a smaller proportion of the workhouse population from the
mid- 19th century onwards. Initially, the intention had been that all
outdoor relief to the able-bodied should cease, except for those requiring
temporary relief for medical reasons: for the others the ‘workhouse
test’ should be applied. But this proved to be impractical in northern
England, where there was strong opposition to the building of workhouses
and where outdoor relief continued to be given. In the south. too, the
practice of giving outdoor relief to the able-bodied, by various means,
gradually returned.
After
1850 the inmates of workhouses were, in the main, the old, the sick, the
handicapped, children and unmarried mothers. There was also a shifting
population of vagrants or ‘casuals’, who were as far as possible kept
completely separated from the other inmates. The conditions in which the
inmates lived also changed, with increasing differentiation between the
treatment given to different groups. For the vagrants, who had to endure
the drudgery of oakum-picking or stone-breaking in exchange for a bowl of
gruel and a night in an unheated casual ward, the workhouse remained harsh
and inhospitable. The unmarried mothers, or ‘unchaste women’, were
also isolated from the other inmates as far as possible. They were often
excluded from the small privileges extended to others, because their
poverty was deemed to result from their moral failings.
There
was a slight relaxation in the regime for the old, and greater concern was
shown for the conditions of the handicapped. Towards the end of the
century, it became an increasingly common (though not universal) practice
for children to be removed from the workhouse altogether and placed in
foster homes or in separate children’s homes.
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It
was perhaps in the treatment of the sick that the most significant
improvement took place. The development of the medical and nursing
professions meant that expectations and standards were rising. Conditions
in workhouse sick wards attracted increasing criticism, most notably from
the medical journal, The
Lancet, which in the I
860s exposed the appalling state of the workhouse infirmaries in London
and campaigned for improvements. In some unions, sick wards were
amalgamated and reorganised, while in others entirely new infirmaries were
built. By 1900, there were strong forces for change in the administration
of workhouses and in the poor law as a whole. The work of charitable
individuals and organisations such as the Workhouse Visiting Society had
for some time been creating a greater public awareness of workhouse
conditions. They pressed strongly for improvements, especially in the
treatment of the more vulnerable groups of inmates. By the end of the
century there was also a different attitude to the causes of poverty: the
work of Charles Booth and others had brought a recognition that
unemployment should not necessarily be regarded as a consequence of the
moral shortcomings of the unemployed.
A
further factor was the extension of the franchise. At the national level
this facilitated the election of MPs drawn from or sympathetic to the
working class; at the local level it caused a change in the composition of
boards of guardians. The franchise for the election of boards of guardians
was made the same as that for parliamentary elections in 1894, and at the
same time the property qualification, which had been reduced to £5 per
year in 1892, was abolished. Working-class guardians could now be elected;
women guardians. too, became more numerous. The reporting of their
meetings in the local press, which had a rapidly growing readership, also
helped to make the guardians more accountable to a wider public.
In
1905, the government set up a Royal Commission on the Poor Law and the
Unemployed. Its members were unable to agree recommendations, and so in
1909 two reports appeared. The majority report favoured the thorough
reform of the existing system; the minority report, whose signatories
included George Lansbury (a future leader of the Parliamentary Labour
Party) and Beatrice Webb, recommended the complete abolition of the poor
law. No immediate action was taken on either report, but the introduction
of old age pensions in 1908 and the first state sickness and unemployment
insurance schemes in 1911 provided the basis for an alternative approach
to social welfare. In 1913 it was decreed that union workhouses should
thenceforward be referred to as ‘poor law institutions’; nominally,
the union workhouse had now ceased to exist. |